Year: 2009
Number 83: 1-25
Ulla Stroh-Wollin
On the development of definiteness markers in Scandinavian
This paper deals with the development of three different definiteness markers in Old Scandinavian: the definite suffix -inn and the pre-adjectival articles (h)inn and sá/þen. It is argued that only the development of the definite suffix followed the normal path of grammaticalization of definite articles. From the earliest Scandinavian texts, the runic inscriptions, follows that the future articles (h)inn and sá/þen started as formal elements preceding weakly inflected adjectives. They appear in this function very early, and, seemingly, more or less obligatorily so from the beginning. On this ground, earlier analyses of the definite markers and the noun phrase in Old Norse are rejected. Further, the role of the regional variation in Scandinavia is highlighted in relation to the competition between the two free articles.
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Number 83: 1-25
Ulla Stroh-Wollin
On the development of definiteness markers in Scandinavian
This paper deals with the development of three different definiteness markers in Old Scandinavian: the definite suffix -inn and the pre-adjectival articles (h)inn and sá/þen. It is argued that only the development of the definite suffix followed the normal path of grammaticalization of definite articles. From the earliest Scandinavian texts, the runic inscriptions, follows that the future articles (h)inn and sá/þen started as formal elements preceding weakly inflected adjectives. They appear in this function very early, and, seemingly, more or less obligatorily so from the beginning. On this ground, earlier analyses of the definite markers and the noun phrase in Old Norse are rejected. Further, the role of the regional variation in Scandinavia is highlighted in relation to the competition between the two free articles.
Year: 2009
Number 83: 27-36
Anna-Lena Wiklund
In search of the force of dependent V2: A note on Swedish
This paper is a brief extension of recent work on embedded verb second and is a contribution to research on the relation between V2 and illocutionary force. It presents a problem for the hypothesis that there is an illocutionary motivation for the verb second word order in Mainland Scandinavian declaratives. The relevant force, to the extent that we can identify it, appears to be available also in the absence of V2 word order.
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Number 83: 27-36
Anna-Lena Wiklund
In search of the force of dependent V2: A note on Swedish
This paper is a brief extension of recent work on embedded verb second and is a contribution to research on the relation between V2 and illocutionary force. It presents a problem for the hypothesis that there is an illocutionary motivation for the verb second word order in Mainland Scandinavian declaratives. The relevant force, to the extent that we can identify it, appears to be available also in the absence of V2 word order.
Year: 2009
Number 83: 37-82
Þorbjörg Hróarsdóttir
Restructuring and OV order
Older Icelandic had several OV word order patterns. This article focuses on the derivation of word order patterns with ‘split’ orders. The principal aim is to argue for how the parameter loss (loss of OV) must be seen as a loss of ‘weak’ (defective) T, leading to the loss of VP/PredP moving to SpecCP. This accounts for the diachronic aspect in terms of one paremeter change, resulting in the loss of all the various OV word order patterns at the same time in the history of Icelandic.
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Number 83: 37-82
Þorbjörg Hróarsdóttir
Restructuring and OV order
Older Icelandic had several OV word order patterns. This article focuses on the derivation of word order patterns with ‘split’ orders. The principal aim is to argue for how the parameter loss (loss of OV) must be seen as a loss of ‘weak’ (defective) T, leading to the loss of VP/PredP moving to SpecCP. This accounts for the diachronic aspect in terms of one paremeter change, resulting in the loss of all the various OV word order patterns at the same time in the history of Icelandic.
Year: 2009
Number 83: 83-102
Eva Engels
Microvariation in object positions: Negative Shift in Scandinavian
In the Scandinavian languages, sentential negation must be licensed outside VP, necessitating leftward movement of negative objects, Negative Shift (NegS). While string-vacuous NegS is possible in all Scandinavian varieties, there is a fair amount of cross-linguistic variation as to non-string-vacuous NegS. In particular, the varieties contrast in which constituents can be crossed by NegS and whether or not crossing of a certain constituent requires the presence of an intervening verb.
The paper discusses which difficulties for syntactic analysis arise from the variation as to the applicability of NegS and why other movement operations do not display such a range of variation.
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Number 83: 83-102
Eva Engels
Microvariation in object positions: Negative Shift in Scandinavian
In the Scandinavian languages, sentential negation must be licensed outside VP, necessitating leftward movement of negative objects, Negative Shift (NegS). While string-vacuous NegS is possible in all Scandinavian varieties, there is a fair amount of cross-linguistic variation as to non-string-vacuous NegS. In particular, the varieties contrast in which constituents can be crossed by NegS and whether or not crossing of a certain constituent requires the presence of an intervening verb.
The paper discusses which difficulties for syntactic analysis arise from the variation as to the applicability of NegS and why other movement operations do not display such a range of variation.
Year: 2009
Number 83: 141-178
Dennis Ott
Stylistic fronting as remnant movement
This paper presents a novel analysis of the phenomenon of stylistic fronting in Icelandic. It is argued that stylistic fronting is not a head-movement operation, but rather phrasal movement to subject position. In many cases, however, independent factors determine evacuation of the phrase prior to raising, i.e. the fronted phrase can be a remnant. It is shown that this approach can account for a variety of otherwise puzzling properties of stylistic fronting.
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Number 83: 141-178
Dennis Ott
Stylistic fronting as remnant movement
This paper presents a novel analysis of the phenomenon of stylistic fronting in Icelandic. It is argued that stylistic fronting is not a head-movement operation, but rather phrasal movement to subject position. In many cases, however, independent factors determine evacuation of the phrase prior to raising, i.e. the fronted phrase can be a remnant. It is shown that this approach can account for a variety of otherwise puzzling properties of stylistic fronting.