Year: 2007
Number 80: 1-15
Žejko Bošković
Don't feed your movements: Object shift in Icelandic
The paper provides an new argument for Chomsky's (in press) parallel movement hypothesis and shows that the mechanism in question provides a tool for teasing apart different analyses of Icelandic object shift. In particular, it provides an argument that the landing site of Icelandic object shift is higher than SpecvP/SpecAgroP.
Number 80: 1-15
Žejko Bošković
Don't feed your movements: Object shift in Icelandic
The paper provides an new argument for Chomsky's (in press) parallel movement hypothesis and shows that the mechanism in question provides a tool for teasing apart different analyses of Icelandic object shift. In particular, it provides an argument that the landing site of Icelandic object shift is higher than SpecvP/SpecAgroP.
Year: 2007
Number 80: 17-44
Werner Abraham and Elisabeth Leiss
On the interfaces between (double) definiteness, aspect, and word order in Old and Modern Scandinavian.
This discussion takes at issue the canonical view among Scandinavists that the development of the enclitic definite article in Old Norse derived historically from the preposed demonstrative and article. It will be argued that, first, the probing directions for Reference by the clitic article is counter-directed to the probing direction of the grammatical features once this clitic becomes an affix in the course to the modern categorial status. Furthermore, this derivational assumption is bound to explain the historical emergence of the enclitic article in terms of a downward grammaticalization cline – which is against all odds of what we are used to think about grammaticalization nowadays (i.e., from the lexical into the functional domain with the functional domain in the DP being higher than the lexical). We will assume, as opposed to the sketched canonical position, that the preposed article developed from the postposed, enclitic one. This has the advantage of bringing in line the probing directions as well as the grammaticalization cline. Beyond that, the interaction between the definite article, perfective aspect, the historical present tense, and Vfirst is discussed. It will be seen that the narrative categories of foregrounding vs. backgrounding provide a perfect interface fit.
Number 80: 17-44
Werner Abraham and Elisabeth Leiss
On the interfaces between (double) definiteness, aspect, and word order in Old and Modern Scandinavian.
This discussion takes at issue the canonical view among Scandinavists that the development of the enclitic definite article in Old Norse derived historically from the preposed demonstrative and article. It will be argued that, first, the probing directions for Reference by the clitic article is counter-directed to the probing direction of the grammatical features once this clitic becomes an affix in the course to the modern categorial status. Furthermore, this derivational assumption is bound to explain the historical emergence of the enclitic article in terms of a downward grammaticalization cline – which is against all odds of what we are used to think about grammaticalization nowadays (i.e., from the lexical into the functional domain with the functional domain in the DP being higher than the lexical). We will assume, as opposed to the sketched canonical position, that the preposed article developed from the postposed, enclitic one. This has the advantage of bringing in line the probing directions as well as the grammaticalization cline. Beyond that, the interaction between the definite article, perfective aspect, the historical present tense, and Vfirst is discussed. It will be seen that the narrative categories of foregrounding vs. backgrounding provide a perfect interface fit.
Year: 2007
Number 80: 45-75
Þorbjörg Hróarsdóttir, Anna-Lena Wiklund, Kristine Bentzen, and Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson
The afterglow of verb movement
This paper brings together recent findings concerning verb movement in Scandinavian. Three conclusions are drawn. (i) It is possible to distinguish three different types of verb movement. (ii) Each of the three verb movements targets a separate domain of the clause. (iii) Proposals concerning triggers/correlates of verb movement need revision (the Rich Agreement Hypothesis for V-to-I and the Assertion Hypothesis for V2).
Number 80: 45-75
Þorbjörg Hróarsdóttir, Anna-Lena Wiklund, Kristine Bentzen, and Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson
The afterglow of verb movement
This paper brings together recent findings concerning verb movement in Scandinavian. Three conclusions are drawn. (i) It is possible to distinguish three different types of verb movement. (ii) Each of the three verb movements targets a separate domain of the clause. (iii) Proposals concerning triggers/correlates of verb movement need revision (the Rich Agreement Hypothesis for V-to-I and the Assertion Hypothesis for V2).
Year: 2007
Number 80: 77-102
Henrik Rosenkvist
Subject Doubling in Oevdalian
This paper contains a presentation and an analysis of Oevdalian subject doubling, a construction which seems to correspond closely to Dutch topic doubling. After having presented the data sources and introduced Oevdalian, I turn to the syntactic restrictions of the construction and demonstrate that these match the restrictions for Dutch topic doubling. Also subject doubling in other languages is introduced and discussed, and some syntactic analyses of so called clitic doubling are accounted for, with a focus on the big DP-approach. It is argued that Oevdalian subject doubling is quite another type of syntactic phenomen than clitic doubling, and, in the final section of the paper, the hypothesis that the construction is a realisation of Φ-agreement is launched.
http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/000558
Number 80: 77-102
Henrik Rosenkvist
Subject Doubling in Oevdalian
This paper contains a presentation and an analysis of Oevdalian subject doubling, a construction which seems to correspond closely to Dutch topic doubling. After having presented the data sources and introduced Oevdalian, I turn to the syntactic restrictions of the construction and demonstrate that these match the restrictions for Dutch topic doubling. Also subject doubling in other languages is introduced and discussed, and some syntactic analyses of so called clitic doubling are accounted for, with a focus on the big DP-approach. It is argued that Oevdalian subject doubling is quite another type of syntactic phenomen than clitic doubling, and, in the final section of the paper, the hypothesis that the construction is a realisation of Φ-agreement is launched.
http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/000558
Year: 2007
Number 80: 103-161
Marit Julien
Embedded V2 in Norwegian and Swedish
Embedded declarative V2 clauses can appear in a number of different contexts in Norwegian and Swedish. What all these clauses have in common is that they have illocutionary force – they are asserted. I argue that a syntactic Force head is responsible for the illocutionary force as well as for the V2 order. Thus, the syntax and the semantics of embedded V2 clauses are closely tied together. The analysis can be extended to root clauses with V2, so that all cases of V2 in Norwegian and Swedish get a unified explanation. Although it needs to be investigated further, it is possible that the analysis holds for V2 clauses in other Germanic languages as well.
Number 80: 103-161
Marit Julien
Embedded V2 in Norwegian and Swedish
Embedded declarative V2 clauses can appear in a number of different contexts in Norwegian and Swedish. What all these clauses have in common is that they have illocutionary force – they are asserted. I argue that a syntactic Force head is responsible for the illocutionary force as well as for the V2 order. Thus, the syntax and the semantics of embedded V2 clauses are closely tied together. The analysis can be extended to root clauses with V2, so that all cases of V2 in Norwegian and Swedish get a unified explanation. Although it needs to be investigated further, it is possible that the analysis holds for V2 clauses in other Germanic languages as well.
Year: 2007
Number 80: 163-185
Britta Jensen
In favour of a truncated imperative clause structure: evidence from adverbs
CP approaches (but not IP approaches) to imperative clause structure would predict that the C-domain should be 'active' in imperatives just as in other clause types. In this paper, challenges to CP approaches are presented using data from English and the Mainland Scandinavian languages. Discussion focuses on various properties of imperatives including: the non-availability of propositional adverbs, the distribution of predicative adverbs, the structural position of clausal adverbs, and constraints on the topicalisation of DPs and negation. These data are unproblematic for an IP approach to imperative clause structure.
Number 80: 163-185
Britta Jensen
In favour of a truncated imperative clause structure: evidence from adverbs
CP approaches (but not IP approaches) to imperative clause structure would predict that the C-domain should be 'active' in imperatives just as in other clause types. In this paper, challenges to CP approaches are presented using data from English and the Mainland Scandinavian languages. Discussion focuses on various properties of imperatives including: the non-availability of propositional adverbs, the distribution of predicative adverbs, the structural position of clausal adverbs, and constraints on the topicalisation of DPs and negation. These data are unproblematic for an IP approach to imperative clause structure.
Year: 2007
Number 80: 187-228
Mai Tungseth
Benefactives across Scandinavian
This paper gives an overview of the distribution of beneficiary event participants in a number of Scandinavian languages. I show that while Norwegian, Faroese and Oevdalian pattern similarly in only permitting a beneficiary with creation/obtaining predicates, Icelandic, is heavily restricted in this respect and hardly permits the addition of a beneficiary at all. I then explore how these findings can be captured within a decompositional structure of the verb phrase like the one proposed in Tungseth (2006) (cf. also Ramchand to appear).
Number 80: 187-228
Mai Tungseth
Benefactives across Scandinavian
This paper gives an overview of the distribution of beneficiary event participants in a number of Scandinavian languages. I show that while Norwegian, Faroese and Oevdalian pattern similarly in only permitting a beneficiary with creation/obtaining predicates, Icelandic, is heavily restricted in this respect and hardly permits the addition of a beneficiary at all. I then explore how these findings can be captured within a decompositional structure of the verb phrase like the one proposed in Tungseth (2006) (cf. also Ramchand to appear).